From the website of Il Manifesto, an article by Paolo Cacciari
Just launched an anonymous message on the network to trigger a general mobilization antiberlusconismo. On October 3, Rome has been invaded by a "new political subject" (migrants) self. Small initiatives, such as those launched by the weekly paper for a "clandestine day," bounce hundreds of squares. Major initiatives, such as the primaries of the Democratic Party, won her millions of people over the same members of that party. Not to mention that the resistance of the metal workers in the factories is far from residual. I might add conferences around Italy's (relatively) new personalities from the worlds of culture and journalism that become attractions of mass (I think of Labor, or Latouche, or Francucci Gesualdi). I think the mobilization that is growing in view of Coopenaghen.
I think, in short, just below the crust with the official representation of society, there is a fervor research ways of being together that emerge from social relations that requires the market. Who, looking at opinion polls, says that now he would complete an anthropological mutation such that there would be no help for it (capitalism would be able to shape the individual to the unique dimension of producers / consumers, to the point that led them to a consensual slavery), is a logical error log: the benchmark can not be elections. These are in fact a rigged game, a mirror that distorts reality, not the sacred representation of popular will, as we were taught the liberal ideal models. The election in this political-economic system, have changed sign: an index of realization of democracy (if it ever were for real) have become the most heavy and coarse manipulation system of "public opinion". It's not just jumped proportionality, or the astronomical cost of a vote (and an elected representative) on the market policy, dominated by the tools of mass communication and the inevitable, thus leading a show of power. In reality all these are coarse and childish tricks to artificially prolong the life of a political and institutional system whose mission is to form a sovereign will of the people, but to support and transmit orders from the lobby, elite cosmocrats che rappresentano una casta che consiste nell’1% del 20% della popolazione globale ma detiene la totalità della ricchezza globale privata accumulata.
La gente lo sa e ne prende atto: dalle elezioni è inutile pensare che possa uscire di più di quel che possono dare nell’immediato. Per cui è possibile votare indifferentemente e contemporaneamente per il meno peggio, astenersi, testimoniare un’alterità, premiare il partito che meglio tutela il mio territorio o il mio lavoro, dare fiducia al candidato più simpatico o a quello che credo di conoscere meglio… Ciò non significa che le ragioni del conflitto sociale (sale della democrazia) siano espunte. Né che siano andati perduti le volontà di cambiamento and desires for social justice, inclusiveness and participation.
If we want to rebuild a political entity that has equity and environmental sustainability (as written on the manifest Alberto Asor) and that its tenets should also pass back through the institutions, "lay", then it will be first of all "non-electoral ', or rather not exclusively or predominantly election. That is, not a quasi-public system, but a "non-party 'in the sense (see Flores d'Arcais, always on the poster on Wednesday) that can not live by himself in the closed system of self-party politics. Decisive, then, are the forms of politics that are practiced, le modalità d’essere che predeterminano gli stessi risultati.
Tempo fa Paul Ginsburg (il manifesto del 3 luglio) diceva che c’erano due possibilità per la ricostruzione di una sinistra politica: una richiede «un lungo lavoro territoriale, scrivere decaloghi di interventi programmatici e di comportamento individuale. Bisogna capire che un nuovo soggetto politico, radicalmente diverso dal passato, ha necessità di tempo per crescere e radicarsi prima di dare frutti (…) accompagnare il lavoro sociale con una costante attenzione all’elaborazione teorica». L’altra scelta è «diametralmente opposta e si basa sull’ammissione che l’attuale sinistra italiana è semplicemente incapace to invent something new. "
groups and associations scattered throughout the country, social sites and workshops of the ideas born in the practices of conflict and the bearers of forms of participatory democracy, are working for a long time to get groped in the report, weave the experiences, coordinate their political agendas, experiment with forms of listening and mutual aid. I think of the many experiences of networks and connections, joint campaigns and mutual aid, local networks and labor disputes. You can start from here? "On the part of those without," as recalled by Pezzella, that the interests of the 'unrepresentable' in the theater of institutionalized politics. From below, from below and 'left', to the left if we want a strong affection for a framework of ethical values \u200b\u200band social sensibilities. Finding reasons to be together without any discipline that is not the method of consent. Without wishing to produce identity foreclosure. Without wishing to impose any pre-determined hierarchy of subjectivities, cultures, policies, ideals and theories that move individuals and movements.
in Florence on 21 and 22 November, will now find a number of associations, clubs, groups that engaged in initiatives in their small unit of resistance of civil solidarity, self-management and who want to know. For the moment came @ a network left. To them the task of exploring a new path, and also mainly in ways and forms of politics.
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