"Upstream" interview Fioretti Communist United "Controcorrente - sinistra del PRC" intervista Andrea Fioretti dei Comunisti Uniti
da Resistenze, numero 26, Giornale di Controcorrente – sinistra PRC
http://www.controcorrentesinistraprc.org/archresistenze.php D. Communists began when U.S. and PRC PDCI, returning from the disaster of the second Prodi government, seem to reflect on his mistakes and "turn left". That the budget for that phase. R. The loss of consensus by the two ex-communist parties and parliamentarians from afar is not limited only to their support to the failed policies and anti-worker last Prodi government. Is at least ten to fifteen years of support to local and national governments preposterous that you have accepted any mediation just to cling to the armchairs institutions. It is not a underestimate the question of elections, but here are the tactics (electoral) has completely replaced the strategy (social transformation).
The choice of participation in the last Prodi government has a consistent end of this path, but led to almost complete destruction of the credibility of the PRC and residual PdCI. With the collapse of the last center-left government, these communist parties have been considered even more responsible for the Olive Tree (now PD) by the masses, just as they were presented as a "safeguard clause" to the interests of temporary workers, for employees in general and anti-war movement in quell'esecutivo filo-padronale. Questi motivi e il successivo sbocco meramente politicista dell’Arcobaleno hanno portato al tracollo elettorale dell’aprile 2008. E’ qui che matura la “svolta a sinistra” dei congressi, per arginare questo crollo verticale e cercare di recuperare un minimo di connessione coi sentimenti diffusi del cosiddetto “popolo della sinistra”.
Ovviamente, vi era un’opzione di “uscita” da questa crisi ancor più pericolosa che andava arginata e battuta: la liquidazione totale bertinottiana e vendoliana attraverso la costruzione di un partito genericamente di sinistra e geneticamente orpello del PD. Dentro questo contesto esce l’appello dei Comunisti Uniti che, al di là di tutte different intentions which undoubtedly worked there, has for the first time in connection with the conviction spread, is largely of PRC and PdCI that many comrades of the "diaspora", which does not exist to revive the role of communists in this phase regain autonomy without the framework imposed by the compatibility of the "government" and without calling at the center of class conflict than even necessary steps election.
Then the political space for this unit option of the Communists, not surprisingly, it grows a lot in recent months when it becomes clear that the "turning point" Congress is not final and, with the Federation, returns today to speak of left-wing political parties allied with the PD, and perhaps even with the UDC.
D. From the Alps to the Pyramids agreements between the government and left the Democratic Party, sometimes enlarged UDC, multiply. And the basis of the two parties often rebels. We have seen in Liguria, Piemonte, Lazio, Basilicata. R. Unfortunately, since its inception, the Federation of the Left has been presented as an attempt to build a mere electoral coalition. And in doing so he looked only to their right to occupy the spaces of the Left and Freedom as the main interlocutor of the PD. The subordination of this centrist party, frankly, now mold even more social-liberal of how social-democratic, is the fact that there is now aligned to its tactical approach UDC. This was reflected also in some local alliances in the next regional. Many companies inside and outside the PRC and PdCI expected from a conference held in the opposite direction that brought the communists to be "the heart of the opposition class" and not for crutch liberal and moderate forces often colluded with the underworld. In these regional elections instead you go into alliance with the PD, not by the imposition of the minimum points of the class, but wherever it wants and you go alone only where the forces of moderation did not want the alliance with the Federation . Autonomy in the face!
was therefore logical (but not obvious) to expect a revolt of the clubs and sections, and entire federations. As well as outside of the two parties can improve their distrust of the Federation and the prospects that you go hunting. The movement that was created around the revival of the Communist Party USA has certainly made up of those who are rebelling in the two parties to this new turning off moderate and those who want to build a political perspective which gives a signal to break this bad habit with bankruptcy. Also because the fortunes of the Communists in front of the masses are unfortunately common. Not enough to make "beautiful souls" and say "I do not have anything to do with these choices." We need to start respecting the membership of each, to build a political alternative and the basis for going to a party for all the Communists placed anywhere worthy of the name.
D. In this context, very different from what you were born, her second appeal of a united community. What goals you want to achieve in this new phase? R. For now the goal is to spread as much as possible the open letter, published in the "manifesto" on Jan. 21, and collect as many accessions as possible with our small means. In the letter published on the site
www.comunistiuniti.it contains the "stakes" in which the main we then open the local working groups, the "common house", which connects these comrades across the political and organizational affiliations of each giving an instrument of political struggle and not more than inventing a new small parties or another organization. We need to open a new phase which breaks with the past, so we reject the dichotomy between roads that have already tested and proven not to work. That's simple "entryism" with the passive acceptance of the lesser evil (both the PRC, the PdCI or the Federation), which always leads to the anchor worse. That division of the atom with which it is operating divisions or infinite creation of new small parties with micro-macro-revolutionaries.
D. Un “controappello” dall’interno della Federazione vi accusa di utilizzare il malumore dei militanti di PRC e PDCI per fomentare posizioni “estremiste” che porterebbero all’isolamento dell sinistra. R. Ne abbiamo parlato ma non siamo particolarmente colpiti da queste critiche. Non credo neanche si voglia fare un vero “controappello”. Sarebbe sciocco da parte degli estensori. Mi sembra più che si inseguano dei “fantasmi” dove non ci sono e che non si voglia leggere la fase attuale contestualizzando una serie di riferimenti teorici totalmente inefficaci se non calibrati nella situazione concreta. Infatti, in questa lettera di alcuni compagni dell’Ernesto and the PDCI, the part that I think is one where substantial, in essence, we learned from covering the trial on alliances and association with acceptance of the logic of "lesser evil". This distorts the sense of both the first and second appeal of a united community. Besides, our assessment on alliances with the PD is given by an injury "ideological" but a precise analysis (which can not be shared but not mystified) on the class nature of this training policy and goals of the Communists and the modern movement for workers should be given at this stage of resistance to restructuring and government employers. On the contrary we will continue to suffer from the current reactionary hegemony in the crisis of capitalism without serving a useful or necessary to class let alone be part of the then advanced in a united front anticpaitalista!
D. In January, you were one of the promoters of a successful national meeting of workers of companies in crisis. How to bind "unity of the communists" and representation of the labor movement and the fight? R. That meeting of the employees of companies in crisis have come from all over Italy and belonging to different unions (mainly FIOM and CGIL and grassroots unions), in which delegates were also our sponsors, was an interesting observation embodiment of part of what we saying on the centrality of class conflict. There is no unity of the Communists if it is not binding on the recapture of a range of class. And there is no independence without the construction of autonomous political agenda, and not subject to the constraints imposed by national or local governance, protection of wages (at large, so even the house, services, pensions, etc. .. ), defense of jobs, union democracy, etc ... We need to start from what was called "minimum program of class and put at the heart of building a broad anti-capitalist front. Be useful to reconnect the individual struggles in a broader platform of resistance sociale alla crisi e gettare le basi per un’alternativa di sistema e non di mero “governo”. Sulla base di questo e della formazione di un nuovo blocco sociale di riferimento si può parlare di quali “larghe alleanze” convengano o meno. Si possono affrontare tornate elettorali e quant’altro. Ovviamente, noi possiamo solo dare un contributo a rimettere insieme quanti più compagne e compagni possibile a fare questo lavoro. Non possiamo risolvere il problema a partire da noi. Il tema della non autosufficienza dei singoli spezzoni dell’attuale movimento comunista è per noi centrale.
D. Quando ci si propone di “unire i comunisti” ci si imbatte inevitabilmente nel problema dei riferimenti international. How will you address it? R. As I said, we can not "get their trousers to the world" as U.S. and only from the Communists from all of us solve the problems of the communist movement. Even more, we are not a party but a movement and some differences will continue to have them even at home. From time to time we will analyze and make the most forward position possible from a viewpoint in the current class. Definitely try to have a anti-imperialist vision that leads us to be on the side of the people who resist the imperialist aggressions, either under the auspices of the U.S. unilateral and multilateral negotiations in the EU. Meanwhile, we start by denouncing the role of our paese nel gotha delle potenze imperialiste, chiedere il ritiro delle truppe militari, la chiusura della basi, la riconversione delle spese militari verso quelle sociali. E’ sempre facile prendere posizione su processi complessi che avvengono a migliaia di chilometri di distanza, molto meno lo è quando devi farlo sulle questioni che ti sono più vicine e che influenzano più direttamente il conflitto capitale/lavoro nel tuo paese.
